The existing body of research and policy attention emphasizes reactive responses to homelessness by identifying the best ways to rehouse individuals after they are already homeless. In light of severe rent burdens, scarce affordable housing, and limited state support, housing loss has become a common experience in the lives of poor renting families ( Desmond 2016). For instance, one study found that urban families with infants who experience a severe illness were far more likely to experience homelessness if they lived cities with higher housing costs ( Curtis et al. Multiple studies have demonstrated that homelessness is more common when affordable housing is scarce ( Lee et al. Housing markets structure the prevalence and risk of homelessness. Black and Latinx Americans, as well as those with limited incomes, experience homelessness much more frequently than their peers ( Fusaro et al. Lifetime estimates suggest that between five and six percent of Americans have been homeless at some point in their lives ( Shelton et al. This estimate is not a sufficient representation of the overall prevalence of homelessness because substantial majorities of the homeless population experience only brief periods of transitional homelessness ( Kuhn and Culhane 1998 Phelan and Link 1999). Recent government estimates suggest that roughly 568,000 people were homeless on a single night in 2019 ( U.S. Interventions that target property owners and tenants of the highest-evicting buildings could be more cost-efficient and effective than general, non-targeted interventions that neglect to focus on the communities and addresses where displacement is most acute. By showing that every year a handful of the same buildings produce outsized proportions of evictions in a city, this study provides a diagnostic tool that local officials can use to efficiently prevent displacement before it happens. These findings have substantial implications for the design and implementation of policies and services meant to prevent families from becoming homeless. The 100 most-evicting parcels account for over one in six evictions in Cleveland, Ohio and over two in five evictions in Fayetteville, North Carolina and Tucson, Arizona. We observe that evictions are heavily concentrated among a small subset of properties within the city. We extend this analysis to evaluate the distribution of evictions at the level of the building, focusing on three cities. Understanding which view is most accurate will inform policies to address homelessness.Ärawing on more than 660,000 residential evictions in 17 midsized American cities over the course of a decade, we show that the distribution of evictions is durable: a neighborhood’s contribution to the citywide eviction rate is highly correlated with its contribution a decade earlier. Two conflicting bodies of work suggest evictions may occur in neighborhoods sporadically, during periods of transformation, or chronically, as a characteristic of concentrated, durable poverty. However, developing such interventions requires identifying the precise geography of displacement, an area of inquiry so far neglected by researchers. Because eviction is a direct cause of homelessness, upstream interventions that prevent displacement would effectively reduce homelessness.
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